Historic Proof of the Doctrinal Calvinism of the Church of England

Augustus Toplady


SECTION II.

Arminianism charged and proved on the Church of Rome.

Mr. Sellon acknowledges his absolute fine quality to the task he has undertaken. "I know nothing at all," says he, "how to fence or push:"1 i. e. he can neither attack, nor defend. A very proper person to set up for a champion, and to style himself a vindicator! But there was no need of such an explicit confession. His production sufficiently demonstrates that its producer can neither fence nor push. Witness the opening of his very first assault, in page 3, where I am presented with a tierce, not of blunderbusses, but of blunders. "In that point," says the blunderer, "which you stickle so mightily for, viz. the doctrine of absolute, irrespective predestination, though all the members of the Church of Rome do not fall in with it, because they are not compelled to it, as all the members of the Church of Geneva do, because they are compelled to it; yet, if the testimony of Dr. Potter, some time dean of Windsor, be to be depended upon, there are ten Catholics, that hold this point of Genevan doctrine, for one that is so much an Arminian as to deny it." Such a cluster of glaring untruths deserves no answer. By way, however, of shewing, what an honest and accurate opponent I have to deal with, I'll give the paragraph a thorough sifting,.

1. "All the members of the Church of Geneva are compelled to fall in with" the doctrine of predestination. So far is this from being true, that the doctrine itself, of predestination, has been expelled from Geneva, for very considerably more than half a century back. Geneva, which was once dreaded by Papists, as one of the head quarters of Calvinism, and termed, by them, for that reason, "The Protestant Rome," is now, in that happy respect, Geneva no longer. The once faithful city is become an harlot. The unworthy son of one of the greatest divines that ever lived (I mean Benedict, son, if I mistake not, of the immortal Francis Turretin) was a principal instrument of this doctrinal revolution. And, to the everlasting dishonour of bishop Burnet, he, during his exile, contributed not a little to the inroads of Arminianism at Geneva, by prevailing with the leading persons there to abolish the test of ministerial subscriptions, about the year 1686.2 After his return to England, and his advancement to the episcopal bench, there is great reason to believe, that he would very willingly have played the same game here; and lain the Church of England under a similar obligation to "his warmth and the weight of his character," by releasing (to continue the language of his filial biographer) our clergy too from the folly and ill consequence of such subscriptions." But, through the goodness of Providence, the people of England were not such implicit trucklers to his lordship's "eloquence and credit," as were the citizens of Geneva. No "alteration, in this practice" crowned his wish.3 The time for the destruction of our establishment was not yet come: and, I trust in God, it is still very far off. To the unspeakable mortification of such as Mr. Sellon, the fence is, hitherto, undemolished. Should our governors in church and state ever suffer the fence to be plucked down, farewell to the vineyard. But, till the barrier of subscription (that stumbling-block to Arminians, who, nevertheless, for divers good causes them thereunto moving, make shift to jump over it) actually he taken out of the way, let no man of common knowledge or of common modesty, call our Calvinistic doctrines the tenets of Geneva. If it be any real honour, or dishonour, to drink of the Lemain lake, the Arminians, as matters stand, have it all to themselves.

2. Our author pompously appeals to the authority of "Dr. Potter, dean of Windsor." He should have said, dean of Worcester. Potter was, indeed, promised a canonry of Windsor; but never obtained it.4 This Christopher Potter, in the noviciate of his ministry, had been lecturer of Abingdon, where he was extre melypopular, and regarded as a zealous Calvinist. But, as Wood observes, "when Dr. Laud became a rising favourite in the royal court, he [Potter] after a great deal of seeking, was made his [Laud's] creature."5 The editor or editors of the Cambridge Tracts, published in 1719, affect to think,6 that Laud paid his court to Potter, instead of Potter's being a suitor to Laud. To me, Mr. Wood's account more than seems to prove the contrary. Besides, the archbishop was eminently stiff and supercilious; but the lecturer was as remarkably supple and obsequious. The prelate could have very little advantage to hope for from the acquisition of the lecturer, but the latter had much to hope for from the good graces of the prelate. I conclude therefore, that Potter was a cringer at Laud's levee, and "after a great deal of seeking," i.e. in modern style, after long attendance and much servility, being found very7 ductile and obsequious, he was entered on the list of the archbishop's dependants.

Laud's plan of civil and religious tyranny is well known; and the only way for Potter to preserve the favour he had taken so great pains to acquire, was by a round recantation of the Calvinistic doctrines ; which were, at all events, to be discountenanced and smothered, as a necessary pre-requisite to our union with Rome; an union which Heylin himself once and again frankly acknowledges to have been one of the grand objects in view.8

To promote this design, and still further to ingratiate himself with his patron, Potter writes a treatise entitled, A Survey of the New Platform of Predestination: the manuscript copy of which fell into the hands of the learned Dr. Twisse, who gave himself the needless trouble of refuting it.

Upon the credit of this renegado Calvinist and pretended dean of Windsor,9 we are told,

3. That "there are ten Papists, who hold the doctrine of predestination, from one that denies it." Every man who knows what Popery is; every man, who is at all acquainted either with the ancient or present state of that Church; must consider such an assertion, as the most false and daring insult that can be offered to common sense. Have not the doctrines, called Calvinistic, been condemned in form, and the assertors of them pronounced accursed, by the Council of Trent? Did any man ever read a single Popish book of controversy, written within a century after the Reformation, in which the Protestants are not universally charged (as we still are by the Arminians) with making God the author of sin, only because they universally held predestination? And, for the modern Popish books of controversy, I have hardly seen one, in which the writers of that communion do not exult, and impudently congratulate the Church of England on her visible departure from those doctrines. And, God knows, the Church of Rome has, in this respect, but too much reason for triumph. Many nominal Protestants are saving Papists the trouble of poisoning the people, by doing it to their hands. What Heylin quotes, from a Jesuit who wrote in the time of Charles I., is in great measure true of the present times: "the doctrines are altered in many things: as for example, the Pope not antichrist; pictures; free-will; predestination; universal grace; inherent righteousness; the merit" [which Heylin softens into, or reward rather] of good works. The Thirty-nine Articles seeming patient, if not ambitious also, of some Catholic sense; limbus patrum; justification not lay faith alone, &c."10

The thirty-nine Article themselves are neither patient nor ambitious of what the Jesuit called a Catholic sense. How patient, or even ambitious, of a Popish sense, some of the subscribers to those Articles may be, is another point. Stubborn experience and incontestible fact oblige us to distinguish, with Dr. South, between the doctrines of the Church, and of some who call themselves churchmen.

Studious as I am of brevity, I cannot dismiss the shameless objection, drawn from the pretended Popery of Calvinism without additional animadversion. The slander does, indeed, carry its own refutation stamped upon his forehead: which refutation the following detail of facts may serve to confirm.

I shall demonstrate, in its proper place, that the principles of John Wickliff, and of his celebrated proselyte John Huss, were the same with what have since acquired the name of Calvinistic. An extract from the bull of pope Martin V. fraught with anathemas against the memories of those holy men, and published A.D. 1418, will evince the detestation and the alarm with which the attempted revival of these doctrines was received by the Church of Rome. Some of the Articles, against which his Holiness inveighed so fiercely, were as follow:11

"There is one only universal Church, which is the university" [or entire number] "of the predestinate. Paul was never a member of the Devil, although" [before his conversion] "he did certain acts like unto the acts of the church malignant."

"The reprobate are not parts of the" [invisible] "Church; for that no part of the same finally falleth from her: because the charity" [or grace] "of predestination, which bindeth the Church together, never faileth."

"The reprobate, although he be sometimes in grace according to present justice" [i.e. by a present appearance of outward righteousness], "yet is he never a part of the Holy Church" [in reality]: "and the predestinate is ever a member of the Church, although sometime he fall from grace adventitiā, but not from the grace of predestination: ever taking the Church for the convocation of the predestinate, whether they be in grace or not, according to present justice:" i.e. whether they be converted already, or yet remain to he so, the predestinate, or elect, constitute, as such, that invisible Church, which God the Father hath chosen, and God the Son redeemed."

"The grace of predestination is the band, wherewith the body of the Church, and every member of the same, is indissolubly joined to Christ their Head."

Nothing can be more innocent and scriptural than these positions. But the religion of the Bible is not the religion of Rome. Hence, in the bull above mentioned, the Pope thus fulminates against those doctrines and their abettors: "certain arch heretics have risen and sprung up, not against one only, but against divers and sundry documents of the Catholic faith: being land-lopers, schismatics, and seditious persons; fraught with devilish pride and wolvish madness, deceived by the subtilty of Satan, and, from one evil vanity, brought to a worse. Who, although they rose up and sprang in divers parts of the world, yet agreed they all in one, having their tails as it were knit together; to wit, John Wickliff, of England; John Huss, of Bohemia; and Jerom, of Prague, of damnable memory, who drew with them no small number to miserable ruin and infidelity. We, therefore, having a desire to resist such evil and pernicious errors, and utterly root them out from amongst the company of faithful Christians, will and command your discretions, by our letters apostolical, that you that are archbishops, bishops, and other of the clergy, and every one of you by himself, or by any other or others, do see that all and singular persons, of what dignity, office, pre-eminence, state, or condition soever they be, and by what name soever they are known, who shall presume, obstinately, by any ways or means, privily or apartly, to hold, believe, and teach the articles, books, or doctrine of the foresaid arch-heretics, John Wickliff, John Huss, and Jerom of Prague; that then, as before, you see and cause them, and every of them to be most severely punished; and that you judge and give sentence upon them as heretics, and that, as arrant heretics, you leave them to the secular court or power. Furthermore, we will and command, that, by this our authority apostolical, ye exhort and admonish all the professors of the Catholic faith, as emperors, kings, dukes, princes, marquisses, earls, barons, knights, and other magistrates, rectors, consuls, pro-consuls, shires, countries, and universities of the kingdoms, provinces, cities, towns, castles, villages, their lands and other places, and all other executing temporal jurisdiction, that they expel out of their kingdoms, provinces, cities, towns, castles, villages, lands, and other places, all and all manner of such heretics; and that they suffer no such, within their shires and circuits, to preach, or to keep either house or family, or to use any handy-craft or occupations, or other trades of merchandize, or to solace themselves any ways, or to frequent the company of Christian men. And furthermore, if such public and known heretics shall chance to die, let him and them want Christian burial. His goods and substance also, from the time of his death, according to the canonical sanctions, being confiscate; let no such enjoy them to whom they appertain, 'till, by the Ecclesiastical judges, sentence upon his or their crime of heresy be declared and promulgate." The reader, who is desirous of perusing the whole of this bull, may see it in Fox, vol. i. from p. 737 to 742. But the sample here given may suffice to shew that Calvinism appeared as dreadful to the eyes of Popery, as it can to those of John Wesley or Walter Sellon.

The see of Rome relished these doctrines no better in the century that followed. Three years after the rise of Martin Luther, another flaming bull was issued against that reformer, by Leo X.: of this bull these were some of the roarings: "Rise up, O Lord, and judge thy cause, for foxes are risen up, seeking to destroy thy vineyard. Rise up, Peter, and attend to the cause of the holy Church of Rome, the mother of all churches; against which, false liars have risen up, bringing in sects of perdition, to their own speedy destruction, whose tongue is like fire, full of unquietness, and replenished with deadly poison; who, having a wicked zeal, and nourishing contentions in their hearts, do brag and lie against the verity. Rise up, Paul, also: we pray thee, who hast illuminated the same Church with thy doctrine and martyrdom, for now is sprung up a new Porphiry, who, as the said Porphiry did then unjustly slander the holy Apostles, so semblably doth this man" [meaning Luther] "now slander, revile, rebuke, bite, and bark against the holy bishops, our predecessors. Finally, let all the holy universal Church rise up, and, with the blessed Apostles, together make intercession to Almighty God, that the errors of all schismatics being rooted up, his holy Church may be conserved in peace and unity. We, for the charge of our pastoral office committed unto us, can no longer forbear, or wink at the pestiferous poison of these foresaid errors; of which errors, we thought good to recite certain here, the tenor of which is as followeth" A long catalogue of pretended heresies is then given: among which, are these two;

In every good work the just man sinneth. 

Freewill, after sin [i.e. ever since original sin], is a title and name only [i.e. a mere empty word, without reality or foundation in truth]. 

On these and the other articles asserted by Luther, pope Leo thus continues to descant: "all which errors, there is no man in his right wits, but he knoweth the same, in their several respects; how pestilent they be, how pernicious, how much they seduce godly and simple minds, and, finally, how much they be against all charity, and against the reverence of the holy Church of Rome, the mother of all faithful, and mistress of the faith itself; and against the sinews and strength of Ecclesiastical discipline, which is obedience, the fountain and well-spring of all virtues, and without which every man is easily convicted to be an infidel. Wherefore, by the counsel and assent of the said our reverend brethren, upon due consideration of all arid singular the premises; by the authority of Almighty God, and of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own, we do condemn, reprove, and utterly reject all and singular the articles or errors aforesaid, respectively: and, by the tenor hereof, we here decree and declare, that they ought of all Christian people, both men and women, to be taken as damned, reproved, and rejected. And therefore forbidding here under pain of the greater curse and excommunication; losing of their dignities, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal; and to be deprived of all regular orders and privileges; also of losing their liberties to hold general schools, to read and profess any science or faculty; of losing also their tenures and feoffments, and of inability for ever to recover the same again, or any other; moreover, under pain of secluding from Christian burial, yea and of treason also: we charge and command all and singular Christian people, as well of the laity, as of the clergy, that they shall not presume, publicly or privately, under any manner of pretence or colour, colourably or expressly, or how else soever, to hold, maintain, defend, preach, or favour the foresaid errors, or any of them, or any such perverse doctrine."12 This instrument, of which I have hardly retailed the tenth part, is dated June 15, 1520.

Honest Luther laughed at this Ecclesiastical thunder and lightning. He published an answer, whose purport did equal honour to his integrity and intrepidity. "A rumour reached me," says the adamantine reformer, "that a certain bull was gone forth against me, and circulated almost over the world, before I had so much as seen it: though, in right, it ought to have been transmitted first and directly to my hands, I being the particular object at whom it was levelled." The fact was, the Pope's bull (somewhat like Mr. Wesley's Abridgment of Zanchius) was, as Luther expresses it, of the owl or bat kind; it flew about surreptitiously and in the dark. Noctis & tenebrarum filia, timet lucem vultus mei, says Luther; hunc tamen ipsam noctuam vix tandem, multem adjuvantibus amicis, in imagine suā datum est videre: "this bird of night sought to elude my view; the owl was, however, though with some difficulty, caught by my friends, and brought to me, that I might survey the creature in its proper form." "I do," adds Luther, "hold, defend, and embrace, with the full trust of my spirit, those articles condemned and excommunicated in the said bull: and I affirm, that the same articles ought to be held of all faithful Christians under pain of eternal malediction; and that they are to be counted for Antichrists, whosoever have consented to the said bull: whom I also, together with the spirit of all them that know the truth, do utterly detest and shun. And let this stand for thy revocation, O bulla, verč bullarum filia, O thou bull, which art the very daughter of all vain bubbles."13 The Pope got nothing by stigmatizing Luther with heresy and schism. The German reformer treated the Italian pontiff with no more ceremony than, Come out, thou ass-headed Antichrist; is not thy whorish face ashamed? I am far from applauding the violence of Luther's temper, and from approving the coarseness of his language. But the good man was heated; and, l suppose, thought it needful, on some occasions, to answer fools according to their folly, lest they should be wise in their own conceit.


Endnotes:

  1. Guthrie, u. s. p. 123.
  2. "He was much caressed and esteemed by the principal men of Geneva. He saw they insisted strongly on their consent of doctrine (formularly commonly known by the name of the Consensus), which they required all those to subscribe who were admitted into orders. He therefore employed all the eloquence he was master of, and all the credit he had acquired among them, to obtain an alteration in this practice. He represented to them the folly and ill consequence of such subscriptions. The warmth, with which he expressed himself on this head, was such, and such was the weight of his character, that the Clergy of Geneva were afterwards released from these subscriptions." Life of Burnet, annexed to his Hist. of his Own Time, pages 692, 693. Fol. 1734.
  3. Bishop Burnet, failing in his desire of abolishing our ecclesiastical subscriptions, was forced to content himself with singing to the tune of He would is he could; in these plaintive and remarkable words: "The requiring subscriptions to the XXXIX Articles is a great imposition." [Hist. O. T. 2. 634.] An imposition, however, in which his Lordship prudently acquiesced, and to which he was the means of making others submit, rather than he would forego (to use an expression of his own) the "plentiful bishopric" or Sarum.
         How much more disinterested and heroic was the conduct of that honest Arminian and learned Arian, Mr. William Whiston! The account is curious: so take it in his own words. "Soon after the accession of the House of Hanover to the throne, Sir Joseph Jekyl, that most excellent and upright master of the rolls, and sincere christian, Dr Clark's and my very good friend, had such an opinion of us two, that we might be proper persons to be made bishops, in order to our endeavouring to amend what was amiss in the Church; and had a mind to feel my pulse, how I would relish such a proposal, if ever it should be made me. My answer was direct and sudden, that I would not sign the Thirty-nine Articles, to be archbishop of Canterbury. To which Sir Joseph replied that bishops are not obligated to sign those articles. I said, I never knew so much before. But still, I added, if I were a bishop, I must oblige others to sign them, which would go sorely against the grain with me. However, I added further, that supposing I should get over that scruple, and esteem the act only as ministerial, which would by no means imply my own approbation; yet, when I were a bishop, I should certainly endeavour to govern my diocese by the Christian rules in the Apostolical constitutions, and in St. Paul's Epistles to Timothy and Titus: which, as [namely, in this gentleman's opinion] they would frequently contradict the laws of the land, would certainly expose me to a pręmunire, to the forfeiture of all my goods to the crown, and to imprisonment as long as the king pleased. And this, concluded I, would be the end of bishop Whiston. So I thought no more of it." Whiston's Memoirs of his own Life and writings, vol. i. p. 169.
  4. His letter to Laud, in which he supplicated the continuance of that prelate's interest, for his appointment to a stall in St. George's chapel, is worth transcribing.
         "My most honoured Lord,
         "I humbly thank your Grace for very many demonstrations of your love to me: and particularly for your last favourable mediation to his Majesty in my behalf, for a prebend in Windsor. The conveniency of that preferment (if my sovereign master please to confer it upon me) I shall value more than the profit. But, however, I resolve not to prescribe to your Grace, much less to his Majestie; or, with immodesty, or impunity, to press you. The obligations, which I have to you, are such as I can never satisfy, but with my prayers: which shall be constant, that your Grace may long live, with honour and comfort, to serve God, his Majestie, and this Church, which daily feels the benefit of your wisdom and goodness.
         Your Grace's, in all humility, Chr. Potter." See Cant. Doome. p. 356.
         Potter, however, was distanced in adulation, by the bishop of Cork, in Ireland; who thus wrote to Laud: "What I had, or have, is to your Grace's goodness, under Him who gives life, and breath, and all things; and under our gracious Sovereign, who is the breath of our nostrils." Ibid. p. 355.
  5. Athen. II. 44.
  6. See the Preface to those Tracts.
  7. The ductility of our young divine will be put beyond all reasonable doubt, by the letter that follows. He had, in his better days, unwarily written an answer to a Popish treatise, published by one Knott, a noisy Jesuit of that age. A second edition of Potter's Answer was, it seems, called for, about, or soon after the era of his connection with Laud. This furnished the author with a fair opportunity of complimenting that prelate, by requesting his Grace to garble the book, and weed it of what offensive passage he pleased prior to the new impression. On this occasion he thus addressed his partron:
         "My most honoured Lord,      October 6, 1634.
         "The copies of my Answer to The Mistaker are most sold, and a new impression intended. I am now reviewing it. I shall be glad to receive from your Grace by your servant, master Dell, and direction to alter, or correct, if any thing therein be offensive to you. I humbly commend your Grace to the blessed protection of the Lord Almighty; and will be ever
         Your Grace's, in all humility
         Chr. Potter." Cant. Doome, p. 251.
         His Grace did, accordingly, with his own hand, purge the book of several passages which, in his judgment, bore too hard on the Pope and Church of Rome; and, the very next year, this Potter (for not being made of too stiff clay) was appointed dean of Worcester!
  8. But why was the revival of Popery one of the grand objects at that time? The cause is easily traced. King Charles, indisputably, aimed at arbitrary power. To this end, Popery must be revived, not for its own sake, but as the most convenient prop to despotism. And no method either so effectually, or so expeditiously, conducive to the firm erection of this prop, as the introduction of Arminianism. These were the three constituary segments of that political circle, into which the Court and Court Bishops, that then were, wished to conjure the Protestants of England. Or, if you please, such was the plan of that goodly pillar, which was to be erected, as a trophy, on the grave of departed liberty. Arminianism was to have been the base; Popery the shaft; and tyranny the capital that should terminate the whole.
  9. Mr. Sellon seems to have been led into this mistake, respecting Potter's deanery, by the title page prefixed to a letter of Potter's, preserved in the Cambridge Tracts already mentioned. A proof, by the way, of the accuracy and faithfulness with which those tracts were compiled. A proof, moreover, of the many inconvenient stumbles to which such writers as Mr. Sellon are exposed, who content themselves with borrowing their information from indexes and title pages.
         I have, above, stiled Dr. Potter a renegado. Such, in outward profession, at least, he certainly was; and such, no doubt, Laud esteemed him to be. But, after all his tergiversation, the Abingdon lecturer does not appear to have embraced Arminianism ex animo and upon principle. Like the magnetic needle when disturbed, he seems to have been in a state of continual vibration, uneasy till he recovered his primitive direction to the good old Calvinistic point. This I infer from his won words. In that very letter to which Mr. Sellon carries his appeal; in that very letter which underwent the necessary corrections and alterations of the good Cambridge Arminians who flouirshed in the year 1719; even in that leter of Christopher Potter, pruned and amended as aforesaid, I find the following passages. "You are affected," says he, to his friend Vicars (who had charged him, and not temerariously, with inconsistency in matters of religion), "you are affected with a strong suspicion, that I am turned Arminian: and you futher guess at the motive, that some sprinkling of Court holy water, like and exorcism, hath enchanted and conjured me into his new shape." The virtue of Court holy water is doubtless very efficacious, as an alternative. No transformations, recorded in Ovid, can vie with the still more wonderful Metamorphoses, which this potent sprinkling hath occasioned both in patriots, politicians, and divines. Potter's correspondent had exactly hit the mark. It was indeed the application of Court holy water judiciously sprinkled by the hand of Laud which had made Christopher cast his skin, and come forth, in appearance, a sleek Arminian. But, when hard pushed by honest Mr. Vicars, he was ashamed (as well he might) to set his avowed probatum est to the powerful virtues of the said water. and how die he parry off the charge? Even by denying himself to be an Arminian at all. His words are these: "I desire you to believe, that I neither am, nor ever will be Arminian. I love Calvin very well; and, I must tell you, I cannot hate Arminius. I can assure you, I do not depart from my ancient judgment; but do well remember what I affirmed in my questions at the act, and have confirmed it, I suppose, in my sermon; so, you see, I am still where I was." The questions, which he here alludes to, and which had been maintained by him at the Oxford act in the year 1627, where these three: Efficacia gratiae non pendet a libero influxu arbitrii; Christus Divinae Justitiae, vice nostra, proprie & integre satisfecit; ipse actus fidei, to crodere, non imputatur nobis in justitiam sensu proprio: i.e. "the efficacy of Grace is not suspended on the free influence of man's will; Christ did strictly and completely satisfy God's justice in our room and stead; the act of believing is not, itself, properly imputed to us for righteousness." In his farther vindication fo himself from the charge of Arminianism, Potter makes very honourable mention of seven predestinarian divines, whom (let the reader mark it well) he terms the "worthiest doctors" of the churches of England, France, and Germany. Nay (let Mr. Sellon hear it, and weep), he even stiles the Arminians, what indeed they are, dissenters from our own national Church. "The Arminians," continues he, "dissent from us only in these four questions [viz. concerning Predestination, Redemption, Grace, and Perseverance]. The Lutheran Churches maintian against us all these four questions, and moreover a number of notable dreams and dotages, both in matters of ceremony and doctrine: among others, you remember their absurd ubiquity and consubstantiation. Now notwithstanding all their [i.e. the Lutherans'] foul corruptions, yet I presume you know, for it is apparent out of the public records, that our better reformed Churches in England, France, Germany, &c. by the advice of their worthiest doctors, Calvin, Bucer, Beza, Martyr, Zanchius, Ursin, Pareus, have still offered to Lutherans all christian amity, peach and communion: though those virulent fiery adders of Saxony" [i.e. the Lutheran divines] "would never give ear to the voice of those wish charmers." In the mature judgment, therefore, even of Potter himself, Calvin, Zanchius, and the other five, were wise charmer, and our worthiest doctors. Let us next hear what the same gentleman though concerning Mr. Sellon's favourite doctrine of election upon faith and works foreseen. "Can you deny," continues he, "that many learned, pious Catholic bishops of the old church taught predestination for foreseen faith or works? and suppose them herein to have erred, as, for my part, I doubt not but they did; though upon other grounds than the bare assertion of Calvin, Beza, or Senensis; yet, can you deny, that notwithstanding this error and others, they were then, and still since, accounted holy Catholic bishops?" He adds: "I resolve never to be an Arminian, and ever to be moderate." For the above passages, see the Cambr. Tr. from p. 230 to p. 244.
         The Reader, perhaps, may think that I have thrown away too much time on this Dr. Potter. I did it to shew on what flimsy props Mr. Sellon rests the weight of his cause. At the very utmost, the doctor was a kind of amphibious divine. In these matters, Laud seems to have had no great reason to boast of him as a proselyte; any more than Mr. Wesley's friend Watt has to trust him as a referee. This will appear farther, from another very remarkable passage, occurring in a sermon, preached by the same Dr. Potter, at the consecration of his uncle Barnaby to the see of Carlisle. I give the quotation on the credit of the editors of the above letter. The passage itself is this: "For our controversies, first let me protest, I favour not, I rather suspect any new inventions; for ab antiquitate non recedo nisi invitus: especially renouncing all such" [viz. all such new inventions] "as any way favour or flatter the depraved nature and will of man, which I constantly believe to be free only to evil, and of itself to have no power at all, merely none, to any act or thing spiritually good. Most heartily embracing that doctrine, which most amply commends the riches of God's free grace, which I acknowledge to be the whole and sole cause of our predestination, conversion, and salvation: abhorring all damned doctrines of the Pelagians, Semipelagians, Jesuits, Socinians, and of the rags and reliques; which help only to pride and prick up corrupt nature: humbly confessing, in the words of St. Cyprian (so often repeated by that worthy champion of grace, St. Augustin,) in nullo gloriandum est, quandoquidem nostrum nihil est. It is God that worketh in us both the will and the deed: and therefore let him that glorieth glory in the Lord." Cambr. Tr. p. 226, 227.
         I cannot help thinking (for human nature is prone to speculate) how dextrously Dr. Potter played his game; and how neatly Dr. Laud, though a knowing one, was taken in. The former (if we are to believe his own solemn protestations) had still very ample mental reserves in favour of Calvinism: while the latter supposed him a sincere convert to Arminianism, and promoted him accordingly. - This reminds me of another very famous instance of worldly wisdom. The elder Vossius published, in the year 1618, a learned History of Pelagianism. Wherein (say the compilers of the Biogr. Dict. vol. ii. p. 317) "he affirmed, that the sentiments of St. Austin, upon grace and predestination, were not the most ancient; and that those of the Remonstrants [i.e. of the Arminians] were different from those of the Semipelagians." This book delighted Laud so much that, at his earnest recommendation, Charles I. made its author a prebendary of Canterbury, with permission to reside still in Holland. Seems it not a little strange, that, rather than a vigorous effort in favour of Arminianism should pass unrewarded, a prelate, of such high principles as Laud should obtain a stall, in the metropolitan church of all England, for one who was, by birth, a German, and by education and connection, a Dutch Presbyterian? There was, indeed, no preferment, to which Vossius's merits, as a scholar, did not entitle him: his learning and virtues, however, would never have cleared his way to Canterbury cathedral, had he not contributed to the advancement of that new scheme, which Laud had so deeply at heart. But what will the reader say, should he be told, that, after all, laud was mistaken as to the sincerity of Vossius's Arminianism? Take the account, in the words of Dr. Potter above mentioned: "He" [i.e. Vossius] "hath declared himself, in his book, De Scriptoribus" [I suppose, it should be Historicis] "Latinis, to be of St. Augustin's mind in these questions" [viz. concerning predestination and grace;] and is allowed, by the states, public professor at Leyden, where no Arminian is tolerated." Cambr. Tr. p. 237. So convenient is it, on some certain occasions, for a divine to look (like Janus, or like the German eagle) two ways at once!
  10. Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 238.
  11. Fox's Acts & Mon. vol. i. p. 739. Edit. 1684.
  12. Fox, vol. ii. p. 537-541.
  13. See, Fox ibid p. 541, & sequ.